QUIRKED UP SHAWTIES VS THE CCP, OR THE NEW ROMANS

China Is The New Rome. Mass Perfidy Included.

I find reading Simone Weil on Hitler and the war years helpful as a viewer for the present in the same way that I read Tsering Woeser as due diligence to get perspective on the modern Chinese. The final part of Weil’s ‘The Great Beast, Some Reflections On The Origins of Hitlerism, 1939-40’ was censored, much like Heidegger’s Black Notebooks and Benjamin’s Theses around the same time, and Weil’s reflections on Hitler remain surprisingly and symbolically relevant.

In reading Weil I am working with Lacan’s idea in Encore that ‘mysticism isn’t everything that politics isn’t’. In fact, I take my own reading of Trump—which is just that, a reading of the universe of Trump, not the man—to be sheltered by the same mystico-political assumption. Readers say I am obsessed with Trump. But I am even more obsessed with what he means as a portal for and of the extinctive present, as a diviner and spiritual forcing function of what is most happening even now, after the fact.

This is why I often point the best of the analytic flood zone in his direction. Even as a staged risk, this seems to work as a s/o to the memory of a certain ‘this person does not exist’ or as a tribute to all the deleted Himalayan whistle-blower during the Hunter Biden laptop affair. It’s normal to be disagreed with on this front. I am suggesting that it isn’t the job of the last writing to make the clone comfortable, only extended, iterative, glorious, transparent.

Lacan also mentions that the mystico-political copula is ‘something serious’ and that we may associate it with certain figures, ‘mostly women’. Simone Weil is obviously one of them, a diviner, a quirked up mystical shawty and a confronter of A.H.. Men as such, on the other hand, quirk down low and kowtow away from all this or turn it into a fight, a speech, an assassination, an extinctive bill of attainder, a history book, a profile, a meme.

To not know that the political isn’t everything that the mystical isn’t is to chicken out, perhaps with wings even so, from any actual animalistic face-to-face. The subveering direction is transition to the angelicist script, and then, for example, to the unicorn—the unicorn of quirked up universally retarded commentary. The Dalai Lama said all the names of the self-immolators and he cried whilst doing so. The quirker, like the Dakini, is sometimes peaceful, sometimes wrathful.

In ‘The Great Beast’ Weil stares down and is censored by the great moment ‘1939’ when Hitler first shows us his psychedelic import, and she develops a parallelism between the invasion of Poland, which made Emil Hácha faint, and Roman Foreign Policy. It may well be, she suggests, ‘that Hitler alone, after two thousand years, has understood how to copy the Romans’. A long time can pass by before anyone gets fresh. The duration and the time lag, as so often in Weil, are more to blame than the arrivant.

If we do not see this, Weil adds, it is because we tend to see ourselves as the innocent Romans. She then develops a further analogy echoing in her present and going all static and torque in our own: ‘We are in an analogous situation today, only it is our enemy who is playing the part of Rome, so we cannot recognize the analogy. For it is the conquests that threaten us that seem horrible; those that we ourselves achieve always seem good and noble.’

France was part of the European and Roman model of domination that was passed on to America, especially in the post-war years. Weil’s France, together with the other allies, saw itself as the natural inheritor of the storybook version of what the Romans did, that is, minus the perfidy and genocide. It is part of Weil’s general argument here, and in The Need for Roots, that we can blame Hitler not primarily on Hitler himself but on our own storybook vision of Roman history.

This is why she goes so far as to say that we, the savants and even the beautiful retards, ‘are possibly guiltier of Hitler’s crimes than Hitler himself’. We brought Hitler up on Roman action movies, and so this is how they are. The fact we take ourselves to be Romans means we are only more blind when Roman conquest happens to us.

It is important to translate this into the present without fear: America and America as a universal way of looking at things in the West is unable to fully read the present as a moment in which its own status as Roman is being attacked by the new Rome, China, precisely because it sees nothing but its own Rome and no other even when it thinks it knows what ‘China’ means. In fact, this much is precisely well-known. But the graphic version is not allowed in and precisely for the reasons Weil gave and was censored for at the start of the last world war. The US sees itself as a storybook Rome, minus the perfidious adventure of annihilation, and so is ill-equipped to recognize China as an actor determined to destroy it and itself, in its own image.

What is the really graphic version, then? How should hermeneutics get truly quirked up? It’s a version one can only get to with readerly due diligence, not by listening to Alex Jones but by reading Simone Weil as a mystical political theorist who went further than most and Timperlake and Triplett’s Year of the Rat and its hidden second edition chapter on germ-warfare trades between China and Iran, and then by coming back to people like Alex Jones and realizing that at least partially they are aligned with what you have just read.

Don’t be afraid. You are free to read as you like. At least for the moment reading can be relied on for its own load-bearing. Despite the neuro-fascism that takes the reading zone as its first stopping point, reading itself may still decide its own terms and times within the terra nullius.

And so the gory version of world events is quite simply as follows—it is entirely obvious that the CCP did the whole thing: that’s right, COVID, the BLM summer, and the election hack. They destroyed Trump’s election chances multi-dimensionally, on all fronts, as is simply congruous with the CCP ‘united front doctrine’. There’s nothing shocking about this or baseless. It is simply what quirked up reading allows, and what reading back away from China all the way to the Romans lets us know.

Elsewhere on this site I quote Steve Bannon describing Joe Biden as the ‘mail drop or post office box for globalist corporations’. It would be even more accurate to say that Biden is the mail drop or post office box for the CCP’s long-termist historical 5GW grab-and-enter. As Weil says, we cannot, by definition, recognize this analogy. I can assure you, you will end up forgetting it and thinking it is untrue. (Don’t they know we’re at war?)

We search about for denials and confirmations, for proxies and healthy disavowals, but the Roman policy of the CCP is there for anyone to see. It is given as read. The only way to make sense of the Covid phenomenon is as the at least managed spread of an extremely well-timed viral nanotechnology dirty bomb. The Americans and their Allies have met their own receptacle, and their own drip-feed Carthage.

As I say, we have to switch up and not be scared of thinking this. Weil will warn us as follows: ‘Further, we know Roman history only from the Romans themselves and their Greek subjects, who were obliged, poor wretches, to flatter their masters. So it requires a constant critical effort to make an objective judgement of Roman policy.’

Let us simply translate this into the present, without fuss: beware, it requires a constant critical effort to make an objective judgement of Chinese policy. This effort is needed because all such judgements are themselves subject to hermeneutic and state-sanctioned control as ‘conspiracies’, both in the media and now in the radical humanities (beware), and also because the Chinese war is pitched invisibly somewhere between 5GW and 7GW, and makes its own secrecy one of its principles. If this war existed full-frontally, it could not exist. Hence, the only way to read it without doubt is in the past, for example in Weil’s mystico-political Rome. This means, the war exists inside your own doubt of it.

When Weil mentions the ‘Greek subjects, who were obliged, poor wretches, to flatter their masters’, she means of course the Uyghurs but also, most vividly perhaps, the Tibetans. To understand modern China a recoil is necessary far away from and then back into the American present. By reading Woeser’s Forbidden Memory and Tibet on Fire I was able to know with certainty just how Roman the CCP has become. And by reading Weil I could see the real Rome is always, by definition, hid. These facts then open up the entire textual space of the present to us, beyond ‘conspiracy’ and ‘facts’ and ‘freedom’—simply as what Weil might call a universal reading.

Image taken from Tsering Woeser’s Instagram.